All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real
design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation
and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this
fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize
faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in
the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party,
often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community;
and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make
the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and
incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and
wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual
interests.
However combinations or associations of the
above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely,
in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which
cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the
power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of
government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted
them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government,
and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not
only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its
acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of
innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One
method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution,
alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to
which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as
necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human
institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test
the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that
facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion,
exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and
opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of
our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government
of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty
is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with
powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is,
indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to
withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the
society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in
the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of
parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them
on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects
of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable
from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human
mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less
stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it
is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party
dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the
most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads
at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and
miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek
security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner
or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more
fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes
of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of
this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,)
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient
to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and
restrain it.
It serves always to distract the Public
Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the
Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the
animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption,
which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the
channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country
are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion, that parties in free
countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government,
and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain
limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast,
Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit
of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely
elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural
tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for
every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the
effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage
it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent
its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted
with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective
constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one
department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to
consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to
create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just
estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which
predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the
truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the
exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into
different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public
Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments
ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes.
To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the
opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the
constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by
an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let
there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may
be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free
governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance
in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can
at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits, which
lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable
supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who
should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these
firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician,
equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A
volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public
felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property,
for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert
the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of
Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality
can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the
influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason
and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can
prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue or
morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed,
extends with more or less force to every species of free government.
Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon
attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
Promote, then, as an object of primary
importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In
proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public
opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and
security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use
it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by
cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to
prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to
repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by
shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of
peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have
occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which
we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to
your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should
cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is
essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the
payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must
be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less
inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment,
inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a
choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid
construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a
spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the
public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all
Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality
enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally
enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant
period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel
example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and
benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the
fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which
might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence
has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue?
The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which
ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against
particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be
excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards
all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an
habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It
is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy
in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult
and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty
and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.
Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.
The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war
the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts
through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the
animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one
Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common
interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing
into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate
inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the
favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to
injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with
what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will,
and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal
privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or
deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,)
facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country,
without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the
appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in
innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the
truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do
they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of
seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public
Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and
powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign
influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy
of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and
experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes
of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be
impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be
avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one
foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they
actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even
second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist
the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and
odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of
the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard
to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have
already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good
faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which
to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in
frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to
our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate
ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her
politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships
or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites
and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people,
under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may
defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an
attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon,
to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard
the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our
interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a
situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by
interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our
peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,
interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of
permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the
maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty
is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it
is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by
suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all
nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our
commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither
seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the
natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so
disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights
of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them,
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances
and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from
time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall
dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to
look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a
portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that
character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the
condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of
being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no
greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation
to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just
pride ought to discard.
[43-50 omitted from some newspaper printings.]
In offering to you, my countrymen, these
counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will
make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will
control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from
running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations.
But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some
partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur
to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of
foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended
patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for
your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official
duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated,
the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to
you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is,
that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in
Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my
Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your
Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure
has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or
divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of
the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country,
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was
bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it,
I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with
moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations, which respect the right
to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I
will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter,
that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers,
has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be
inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and
humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to
maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other
nations.
The inducements of interest for observing
that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and
experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain
time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions,
and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and
consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the
command of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my
administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless
too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have
committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the
Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall
also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view
them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life
dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the
mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other
things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so
natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his
progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing
expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without
alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my
fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free
government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward,
as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
George Washington
United States - September 17, 1796
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