New Kent for Zachary Taylor

 

 Nomination of General Zachary Taylor as a Candidate for the next Presidency, by the People.

 

 Saturday week, the 8th inst., being the day of Regimental Parade, a large number of the citizens of New Kent and Charles City counties, composing the 52d Regiment,* assembled at the Forge in New Kent; and the Parade being over, a meeting was held, without distinction of party, to nominate Gen. Taylor for the next Presidency.

 The meeting was organized by the appointing of Col. E.G. Crump as Chairman, and Wm. R.C. Douglass as Secretary and its object having been appropriately explained by the committee or is appointed to report proceedings  in accordance therewith; which motion prevailed, and the following gentlemen named as said committee: Doct. Robt. S. Apperson, Hill Carter, A.H. Fergusson, Col. Jno. S. Stubblefield, Jacquelin L. Poindexter, Rich'd. Crump, Dr. Wm. R. Savage, Canellene C. Fowlkes, R. T. Lacy, Dr. G.W. Morriss, Wm. Fowlkes, Braxton Garlick and Wm R. C. Douglas, who, after a short retirement, returned and reported through their chairman, Dr. Apperson, the subjoined preamble and resolution, which were submitted to the meeting in the usual manner, and adopted with but one dissenting voice.

 When the committee returned with their report Thos. H. Willcox, Esq., was in the midst of an address, the soul-stirring sentiments of which elicited frequent bursts of applause.

 The meeting was also addressed, in very handsome style, by Messrs. Hill Carter, R.T. Lacy and John Walker; and the only thing that occurred to mar, in the slightest degree, the harmony of its proceedings, was the position which Mr. Walker fell constrained to occupy in reference to them. Differing with the meeting as to the propriety of nominating Gen. Taylor, he nevertheless expressed the commendable sentiment that the People's choice should be his choice.

                                     Preamble and Resolution.

 Whereas, we are of opinion that the high state of party feeling, which has existed for the last twelve or fifteen years, has been deleterious both to our interests-and to our social relations, and whereas we have entire confidence in the fitness of Gen. ZACHARY TAYLOR for the Presidency, and believe that his nomination for that office by the People, without distinction of party, and without reference to his opinions upon those questions that have hereto divided parties, will tend in a great degree to foster a spirit conducive of good alike to our interests and to our social relations- Therefore,

 Resolved, That we do hereby nominate Gen Zachary Taylor as the People's Candidate for the next Presidency, and pledge ourselves to use every honorable effort to ensure his election.

 On motion of Capt. Braxton Garlick, it was, 

 R'solved, That these proceedings be signed by the Chairman and Secretary; and that the Whig and Democratic papers in Richmond, Norfolk and Petersburg be requested to publish them.

 On motion, the meeting then adjourned.

  E.G. CRUMP, Chairman. 

Wm. R.C. Douglas, Secretary.

 -Richmond Enquirer,  25 May 1847

Zachary Taylor would go on to claim the Whig nomination for Presidency in 1848 and would win the election in November. He would carry New Kent with 178 votes against 101 for the Democrats' Lewis Cass. This is not really surprising considering that New Kent was considered a strong Whig county.

The 52 Regiment was the militia regiment composed of the militia companies of New Kent and Charles City.

                         

                           JEALOUSY CAUSE OF FIGHT AT ROXBURY 

Ladies Fainted When Boys Started Row in Front of School 

(By J. A. Wright.) 

ROXBURY, VA„ May 14.—Since my last letter many unexpected incidents have occurred; fortunately, nothing serious. At the closing exercises of the Graded School near Quinton Friday night a large crowd attended. The program consisted of recitations, music and songs. Every seat was filled. All seemed happy when a fight outside was started by some young men. The battle raged with fury. Many ladies fainted. It was a disgraceful scene, and has cast a shadow, over this section.

 Five of the young men were arrested. They were tried Saturday by 'Squire, C. C. Tunstall and each fined -$25 and costs. The lecture that Mr. Tunstall gave them will follow them through life, it is hoped. Jealousy was the cause of the row.

 Young Higgins, who is quite a favorite with the ladies, has strewn the path along lovers' fame with thorns instead of flowers. So several others decided to get rid of this young man by force. But they selected the wrong time and place, which they have found out to their sorrow.

             Fred S. Bock Postmaster.

 At last, alter a hard-fought battle for postmaster at this place for several months, Mr. Fred S. Bock* has been appointed postmaster to succeed Mr. L. H. Rowzie. Mr. George Binns, with many years' experience, will be his assistant. 

 Roxbury is one of the best paying fourth-class post offices in the Peninsula, with two rural routes running out and one star route.

 Mr. Rowzie has made many friends here. Not a complaint was ever heard by the patrons of the office or the department. All wish him well in his new held of operations.

 This appointment was no political pull, for both Mr. Bock and Mr. Rowzie are staunch Republicans. The honor was won by merit alone. Mr. Bock standing highest on examination.

  The political situation is at fever heat now as to the congressional honors between Senator L. O. Wendenburg and Congressman A. J. Montague. No one can foretell results.

 The Methodist churches are preaching prohibition every Sunday. Several have given notice that their pulpits will be supplied for the summer by students, while the pastors go out in the highways and byways to stump for the prohibition ticket.

 No one will venture to predict the result of the September election. 

Personal News.

  There will be an all-day service at Olivet Church Sunday. A large crowd is expected to attend the unveiling of the monument by the Woodmen of the World to the late Forest Gilliam, of Providence Forge.

 Misses Bessie and Sammie Provoo, with Mr. Parker Shearwood and Mr. Richardson, who have been visiting relatives in New Kent, returned to Richmond Sunday.

  All Sunday schools in this section are now in a flourishing condition. 

 Preparations are being made for an excursion to Buckroe Beach this summer over the Chesapeake arid Ohio.

-Evening Journal, 14 May 1914

Fred Stanley Bock (21 Jul 1878- 2 May 1936)

The New Kent Resolves of July 1774

 

A British cartoon from 1774 labeled "The Bostonian in distress"

New Kent's response to the crisis of 1774 . . .

At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the County of New Kent, at the Courthouse of the said County, on Tuesday the 12th of July 1774, Thomas Adams, Esquire, being first chosen Moderator, and William Clayton, Esquire, Clerk, the present State of America being seriously and duly considered, the following Resolutions were proposed and agreed to, as an Instruction to our Deputies hereafter named:

Resolved, that our Sovereign Lord King, George III, is lawful and rightful King of Great Britain and all his Dominions in America, to whose Royal Person and Government we protest all due Subjection, Obedience, and Fidelity; and that we will, at all Times, defend and protect the just Rights of his Majesty with our Lives and Fortunes.

Resolved, that the Inhabitants of the British Colonies in America are entitled to all the Rights, Liberties, and Privileges, of free born English Subjects.

Resolved, that the Right to impose Taxes or Duties to be paid by the Inhabitants of this Dominion for any Purpose whatever, is peculiar and essential to the General Assembly, in whom the legislative Authority of the Colony is vested, and that Taxation and Representation are inseparable.

Resolved, that the Trial by Jury of the Vicinage is the Glory of the English Law, and the best Security for the Life, Liberty, and Property of the Subject, and is the undoubted Birthright of all his Majesty's free born American Subjects.

Resolved, that the several Acts and Resolutions of the Parliament of Great Britain made during his present Majesty's Reign, imposing Taxes or Duties on the Inhabitants of America, for the express Purpose of raising a Revenue, and for altering the Nature or Punishment of Offences committed in American, or the Method of Trial of such Offences, are unconstitutional, arbitrary, and unjust, and destructive of the Rights of America, and that we are not bound to yield Obedience to any such Acts.

Resolved, that the late cruel, unjust, and sanguinary Acts of Parliament, to be executed by military Force and Ships of War upon our Sister colony of the Massachusetts Bay, and Town of Boston, is strong Evidence of the corrupt Influence obtained by the British Ministry in Parliament, and a convincing Proof of their fixed Intention to deprive the Colonies of their constitutional Rights, and Liberties.

Resolved, that the Cause of the Town of Boston is the common Cause of all the American Colonies.

Resolved, that it is the Duty and Interest of all American Colonies firmly to unite in an indissoluble Union and Association, to oppose, by every just and proper Means, the infringements of their Rights and Liberties.

Resolved, that we do heartily approve of the Resolutions and Proceedings of our sever late Assemblies for affecting and supporting the just Rights and Liberties of America, from their patriotick Resolves in 1765 this Time.

Resolved, that we will most firmly unite with the other Counties in this Colony, in such Measures as shall be approved of by Majority as the best and most proper Means of preserving our Rights and Liberties, and opposing the said unconstitutional Acts of Parliament.

Resolved, that the most effectual Method of opposing the said several Acts of Parliament will be to break off all commercial Intercourse with Great Britain, until the said Acts shall be repealed.

Resolved, that the several counties within this colony ought to nominate and appoint, for every County, proper Deputies to meet upon the first Day of August next, in the City of Williamsburg, then and there to consult and agree upon the best and most proper Means for carrying into Execution these or any other Resolutions which shall be best calculated to answer the Purposes aforesaid.

Resolved, that it is earnestly recommended to the Deputies at the said general Convention to nominate and appoint fit and proper Persons, on Behalf of this Colony, to meet such Deputies as shall be appointed by the other Colonies in General Congress, to consult and agree upon a firm and indissoluble Union and Association, for preserving, by the best and most proper Means, their common Rights and Liberties.

Resolved, that BURWELL BASSETT¹ and BARTHOLOMEW DANDRIDGE², Esquires, our late and present worthy Representatives, be and they are hereby nominated and appointed Deputies, on the Part and Behalf of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of this County, to meet such Deputies as shall be appointed by the other Counties within this Colony, in the City of Williamsburg, on the first Day of August next, or at any other Time or Place, for the Purpose aforesaid.

Resolved further, that our said Deputies agree to join in any proper Means that shall be adopted for the Immediate Relief of the present Necessities of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston.

Resolved, that the Clerk transmit the foregoing Resolutions and Instructions to the Printers, to be Published.

                                            WILLIAM CLAYTON, Clerk of the Meeting



- The Virginia Gazette(Williamsburg), July 21, 1774

July 1774 would be shortly after the passing of the "Intolerable Acts" of 1774 in response to the Boston Tea Party of December 1773 which included the Royal Navy closing the port of Boston.


¹ - The brother in law of Martha Washington, married to her sister Anna Maria Dandridge.

²- The younger brother of Martha Washington.

These two men were New Kent's Delegates to the House of Burgesses for 1772-1774.

"I Consider it Unnecessary for Me to Dilate on Political Minutia"- 1810

TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF NEW KENT

-Follow-Citizens,
I beg leave to inform you, that, in consequence of the suggestions of some of my friends, whose opinions I respect, I shall be a Candidate for your suffrages at the ensuing election of Representatives to the General Assembly: I flatter myself that I shall obtain the approbation of those who are acquainted with my political principles; but to those with wham I have not the honor of an acquaintance, I wish to introduce myself as one, the most cherished object of whose heart is the support of the present Republican form of government in it’s pristine purity; conscious as I am that an intimate Knowledge of the principles of that government has widely diffused itself among you, I consider it unnecessary for me to dilate on political minutia; while at the same time l feel it a duty incumbent on me to declare without reserve those principles which shall mark, the rule of my conduct, I am fearful, however, that in so doing in a manner the most efficacious to place my pretensions in a fair point of view, I shall descend into that kind of prolixity which tires rather by the introduction of familiar topics: but I trust, my Fellow-Citizens, that you would duly appreciate the circumstances under which I come forward, that you will make allowance for my youth and unacquaintance(sic) with some of you, and see the necessity of my entering somewhat into detail.

 I shall premise by observing that as in the ratification of the Federal constitution some of the most important powers of government were given up to the United States, I shall refrain from saying any thing on those powers, as should I obtain the honor of your suffrages, they will exceed the limits of my public duties ; but I hope that the opinions which I am about to express will sufficiently develop my ideas on the leading principles of the Federal Government. Government is the grandest subject on which the human mid has ever been employed, to direct man to a discovery of the real springs of his happiness, deserves the highest commendations which man can bestow, it will then by no means form an objection to me, that I declare my coincidence of opinion with the patriot whose labors produced the mild and equitable government, which under indulgent Providence we now enjoy; One of the most important among the powers reserved to the state is the regulation of the elective franchise- regulation which depends on principles variant as circumstances, since that standard which, when population is thinly scattered, equitably limits the exercise of that inestimable franchise, would after the encrease(sic) of population, and when the price of property has advanced require extension; the next in point of magnitude is the power of taxation— a power in itself highly necessary, but from which may result the most awful consequences, it therefore becomes the duty of the Representatives of the people so to exercise this power as not to exceed the legitimate defied objects of Government. The judiciary system, in its organization tending to perfection, possesses defects which have hitherto eluded the grasp of each successive law passed on the subject, and have in a manner clogged the wheels of justice, on the speedy and uniform administration of which depend the life, reputation and property of the citizen —in the distribution of the offices of Government, we see placed in the hands of the Legislature a power of rewarding meritorious services, which to reward is sound policy, encouraging the citizens to exert his every energy in deference of his country and its liberties.

               I remain, -Fellow Citizens,
               your humble servant.
                   JOHN P. CLOPTON
            ROSLIN, NEW KENT
           
                 February 20, 1810


-Virginia Argus, 27 February 1810

I assume this is John Bacon Clopton, son of John Clopton who was then New Kent's representative to Congress and who would have been only 21 at the time of this election (Virginia legislative elections were held in April). John Bacon Clopton, later Judge Clopton, according to an historical address after his death, "After an unsuccessful candidacy for the State Senate he was elected to that body, in which he served until the end of of the session of 1829-30, when he declined re-election." The Senate district was composed of New Kent, Charles City, and James City in 1810. William Chamberlayne, of Poplar Grove, was the Senator at the time and would represent the district from 1805 until 1818.

However he does refer to the "ensuing election of Representatives to the General Assembly." At that time every county had two members of the House of Delegates irrespective of size who were elected every year. So this may have been an earlier unsuccessful run for the House.

"The light reflected from my burning effigies"- John Tyler 1841

 In honor of the recent plenitude of impeachment news I present a piece on the first President of the United States to ever face an impeachment attempt, John Tyler. John Tyler's New Kent connections are strong ones having married a woman from the county and having represented New Kent in Congress, in the Secession Convention of 1861 and in the Confederate Congress(well actually he died before he could take his seat). Several of his children, of which there was a multitude, lived in New Kent. In December of 1841, the period of these letters, he faced a firestorm from his own party after he vetoed numerous bills they favored (he was the first President to have a veto overridden). By the summer of 1842 he would face an impeachment attempt led by a member of his own party, Richmond representative, John Minor Botts.

The President returned to the Seat of Government on Thursday, from his visit to his home in Virginia, and in good health. 

The subjoined interesting correspondence between the President and citizens of New Kent county, we find in the Richmond Whig- a paper that seems very much chagrined because the President was kindly received by his old friends and neighbors:

The above was from November 13, 1841 edition of the The Madisonian, of Washington D.C.. The rest of the article being rather garbled I found a better scan of the letters referenced in the Holly Springs, Mississippi Gazette of December 2, 1841.

                                                                              NEW KENT COUNTY, NOV. 8, 1841.
      To His Excellency JOHN TYLER,
                  President of the United Slates of America:

Sir: Your friends and old constituents in New Kent beg to avail themselves of your visit to their county to tender to you a public dinner, to be given at New Kent Court-house, on any day that it may be your pleasure to name, as a manifestation of their long Cherished love and respect for you, both as a man and a politician- which, they trust to be pardoned for saying, have been greatly enhanced by the firmness of purpose and devotion to principle which you have recently exhibited, under circumstances of a greatly embarrassing nature. 

We hope, sir, that it may suit your convenience, and be entirely compatible with your views of propriety, to accept an invitation; and we flatter ourselves that we can give a reception at a festive board in old New Kent will in some measure, we trust compensate you for the invective you have received at the hands of another portion of your old
constituents. 

With wishes for your long continued health and happiness, we subscribe ourselves truly your personal and political friends,

                ED. G. CRUMP,
GEO. WILLIAMSON,
JOHN G. CRUMP,
W. R. C. DOUGLASS,
CHESLEY JONES,
     Committee.

 CEDAR HILL¹, NEW KENT COUNTY. NOV. 8, 1841.

GENTLEMEN: Few things would afford me more pleasure than to meet my friends and old constituents of this county, at the festive board, in pursuance of your polite invitation, but the necessity which exists for my speedy return to the Seat of Government places it out of my power to do so. I can however, do no less than return to you, and those you represent, my grateful thanks for the kind Sentiments of regard and confidence which you have been pleased to express toward, me. 

Shall I not be justified by the people of this ancient county in the declaration that, when, as long ago as twenty-five years, they did me the honor to confer their almost unanimous sufferages upon me as their Representative in Congress², the political principles which I then avowed have been the same which since my accession to the Presidency, I have dared to vindicate and maintain, at the expense of the bitterest denunciations which have ever heretofore assailed a public functionary. 

The same opinions as to the power of Congress to charter a National Bank, which I then avowed in the presence of your fathers  then and of many who still survive among you, and which as your Representative. I strenuously urged in 1819 are still mainlined with abiding and undiminished conviction. I was then sustained by the people of this district, with almost entire unanimity, and I therefore take leave to say, that if of them are converts to new opinions they at least might have granted to me, as Chief Magistrate, bound by oath to support the Constitution, the benefit of the new lights of reason which have been shed upon them, before they united with others in a spirit of unqualified denunciation. What would they have me do? Would they have me sacrifice the consistency of my past life for party ends? Or, what is of far more importance, both morally and politically, would they require of the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union to surrender all claim to their respect, by violating his oath of office in order to gratify the moloch of party? If they would have so great a sacrifice, then, I am proud to say, they will not receive it at my hands. I censure no man for his opinion on this or any other subject; but, while I award to him the right to think for himself, should he not exempt me from his denunciations because I cannot think as he does? 

I beg you to be assured, gentlemen, that the invectives to which I have been subjected, have in no degree disturbed my equanimity. Amid the torrents of abuse, no matter by what motives dictated, which have been uttered against me, "my pulse has kept as healthful music³," as if nothing had occurred. The light reflected from my burning effigies has only served to render the path of my duty more plain. In that I shall walk, my confidence being placed in the patriotism, discernment, and intelligence of the American People, whose interests are always best sustained by a firm observance of Constitutional requirements.

 I tender to you, individually, assurances of great personal regard.
                                        JOHN TYLER.

To.Edward G. Crump, Geo. Williamson, John G. Crump,
William R. C. Douglass, and Chesley Jones, committee.

¹- At first I wondered if this was a typo and it should be Cedar Grove, birthplace of his wife Letitia Christian and the site of their marriage (and where she is buried). However Cedar Hill was the home of Tyler's daughter Letitia, wife of  James Simple. The young couple were already becoming bitterly estranged from each other by this time but we probably should not assume that this would preclude Tyler from staying there.

²-  In 1817 John Tyler carried New Kent over Andrew Stevenson by 216 votes to 16. In 1819 he faced no opposition. NB. in the antebellum era Virginia's Congressional elections occurred in odd years not even.

 ³-  Hamlet Act 3, Scene 4-

"My pulse as yours doth temperately keep time

And makes as healthful music. It is not madness

That I have uttered."

More 1911- Warm Politics

Warm Politics in New Kent. 

Quinton. Va., October 16- As the general election for state and county is near at hand, any new faces will be seen as many who have served their people for years will have to retire to private life. The most important places to be filled by the county people is that of supervisor. In New Kent county for some time, as well as in our adjoining counties, a sea of unrest is beneath the surface. Taxes are higher than ever before, schools worse, roads not one bit better than 25 years ago.  

The board of supervisors for New Kent, for it is the object of this reporter to begin to sweep the trash from his own door before he goes to his neighbor's, there are already two new members of the board elected in the primary against another, and perhaps another, if not the other two. All hope that our young chairman of the board, who has filled the place for years with honor to himself and his people, will be reelected. I refer to Mr. R.T. Southall. He is only 35 years old, left when an infant without a father, but brought up by a christian mother. At her knee he learned the lessons of honor, sobriety and industry. Rather than great riches to be chosen, there was a better thing- a good name. All this he has followed through life. Not until the hearts of all hearts is known will be known the good he has done for the poor and afflicted of this county. Many a poor widow and the old have had the wolf driven from their door by this charming young man.  

Mr. Southall will be opposed in the general election by Mr. L.M. Ellyson, the  Republican candidate, he too like Mr. Southall is quite young and popular in his neighborhood. Both candidates are for the honor. To let Mr. Southall go down in defeat will be a great mistake as his long service has placed him in a position to understand the needs of his people. 

Mr. W.P. Tunstall, who defeated Mr. R.C. Apperson, Sr., in the primary,is another young man who has already won honors for himself and will make a good supervisor. 

The three cornered fight in between Messrs. Eggleston, J.B. Richardson and Eddie Boswell is  a hot one to the finish. Mr. G.E. Fisher, our popular treasurer, will be opposed by George Sweet. Mr. Fisher is one of the most popular you men in the county has filled the position with honor to himself and his people. All the candidate are Democrats  except Mr. Ellyson. There is going to be brought out every voter in the county on November 7th, and people are watching with interest the result.

 -Virginia Gazette, 19 October 1911

A Reposting: Remember there is no such thing as Presidents Day . . .

  . . . , it is Washington's Birthday; and so today, for our edification, I serialize Washington's Farewell Address. Serialized because we seem to have rather short attention spans compared to the Eighteenth Century.*

George Washington's Farewell Address

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.

To be continued tomorrow . . .


* and he was married to a New Kent girl.